The reason behind the move against the PPP government is not the provincial government’s incompetence or the widespread allegations of corruption against party leaders; it is the desire for complete political control that is driving the campaign towards what some analysts describe as the establishment of a one-party system.Any move to destabilise the provincial government would be disastrous for the entire system, particularly at a time when the country faces multiple economic and political challenges. The silence of the administration has further complicated the issue. But comments against the amendment naturally raise questions about the establishment’s intention and fuel conspiracy theories. There may not be any linkage between them but it is mainly the responsibility of the government to dispel those concerns.While the fears of the PPP of the country’s being pushed towards a unitary form of government and of an attempt to abolish the 18th Amendment may be exaggerated, there is little doubt regarding the PTI government’s intention to take control of the country’s second-largest province. The young scion is seen by PPP supporters as their last hope of keeping alive the Bhutto legacy. The federal government’s clumsy move to impose a travel ban on all those named in the inquiry report, including chief minister Murad Ali Shah, and the PTI’s campaign for Mr Shah’s ouster have brought the swords out. That has given the party a heady sense of power. Being implicated in the financial scandal could affect his politics. Still, it will not be easy to manipulate the recently elected provincial assembly. The PTI’s rise to becoming the second-largest party in Sindh with its control in the urban areas has completely changed the political dynamics of the troubled province.

We have witnessed such a move in the province in the past too. The charges are indeed damning and could see the PPP leadership engaged in a prolonged legal and political battle that would constrain the party and the Sindh government. The chief justice’s admonition may have dampened the PTI charge, but the game is not over yet.There seems to be little possibility of the provincial government being overthrown or governor’s rule being imposed in the province.THE JIT report in the money-laundering case implicating top PPP leaders has generated a political storm. The politics of confrontation will not benefit either side. The PTI, which had no representation in parliament in that period, is obviously not that keen about the amendment. The statements from the federal ministers and the PTI’s provincial leadership China Faucet for kitchen Manufacturers are a clear manifestation of the power syndrome at play.Its electoral victory in Karachi, the country’s largest city and its financial and industrial lifeline, has put the party on a strong footing in provincial politics.Such a move has not worked in the past, nor will it work now. The “successful” political engineering of Karachi seems to have given impetus to the implementation of the plan at the provincial level.The military’s main concern is that a greater share of finances going to the provinces not only weakens the federal government’s control but is also one of the causes of the country’s growing fiscal problems.

The passage of the 18th Amendment through consensus among political parties across the board is seen with scepticism by the security establishment. The military’s reservation over the 18th Amendment came out strongly in remarks attributed to the army chief last year. That may never happen, but such moves could widen the political fault lines and have serious consequences for the integrity of the country.Although the veracity of the JIT report has yet to be substantiated, the financial scandal involving the Asif Ali Zardari family has found the PPP and Sindh government in deep water.Surely there are some questions about devolving power and the capacity of the provinces to handle the situation emanating from the transfer of responsibilities, but those issues can be gradually overcome. The PTI’s move is reminiscent of the politics of the 1990s when governments were installed or removed overnight, an exercise that involved forcing or bribing legislators to switch sides. The generals believe that greater financial and administrative autonomy for the provinces is detrimental to national integration and security. An attempt to bring about regime change in Sindh has exacerbated matters.Despite being politically handicapped because of living under the shadow of his wily father, Bilawal has made significant impact on parliamentary politics. Any such step could fuel an ethnic divide and strengthen extremist sub-nationalist forces.It is important to separate the accountability process from politics, but unfortunately, it is not happening.Bad governance and allegations of widespread corruption have not helped the PPP’s cause

Was not the EC aware of these observations of the Supreme Court when it chose not to act after the Opposition complained? Furthermore, why did the commission not curtail the campaigning immediately? Was it to enable Mr Modi to address two planned rallies on Thursday? Whatever be the verdict on May 23, the shadow of this election in West Bengal will cast its shadow on the republic for long.C.The situation made the BJP increasingly desperate. But then, Mamata Banerjee is no genteel foe who can be bowed into submission. The balance shifted in favour of the challenger for the first time by the Left From in 1977, when it seized political power from the incumbent Congress Party. Their high visibility and the lack of a charismatic local leadership resulted in the organisational structure either remaining weak in areas where it was present, or not taking ground where it did not exist prior to 2014. The romantic rebels rebelled against the past as they considered these iconic characters, ranging from Raja Rammohun Roy, Vidyasagar, Ram Krishna Paramhansa, Swami Vivekananda, Rabindranath Tagore and several others, contributed to the emergence of the “bhadralok”, essentially the “enemy of the people”. In many ways, this election will go down in history as a watershed, not just in the state but nationally too, and the stakes are unprecedentedly higher.She, after all, stands against patriarchal stereotypes — not good looking (by market standards), single and fiercely independent, verbally offensive to the core on any given day, yet caring for her people — in many ways the real-life parallel of Ritwik Ghatak’s immortal protagonist in Meghe Dhaka Tara. Whether one likes or not, parties need a combination of cadre network and muscle power, and the absence or weakness of either hinders victory.

On both occasions, the defeat of the incumbent was possible only because of challenger’s organisational network. For every vituperative attack, she had a retort.This culture of competitive political violence exists from the late 1960s. She and Mayawati are China Faucets premier flexible tube Factory the political subalterns challenging the leader who once moralistically claimed to be an “outsider”, yet became the establishment overnight. Most people are quick to point out the violent character of elections in the state. Yet few took note that the state has a 50-year old history of the ruling party de facto seizing control of the state, especially the law-enforcement machinery. It took her a decade and a half of consistent grassroots political campaigning to build an enviable party network which could challenge the Left, and once this was in place, muscle power flowed into its organisation.Undoubtedly, ever since the Trinamul Congress stormed to power in West Bengal in 2011, Mamata Banerjee faces her sternest test. It hoped that the expected losses in the Hindi-speaking states would be somewhat compensated by gains in West Bengal.The Bharatiya Janata Party had hoped this time that West Bengal would turn out to be its Uttar Pradesh of 2014. The chief minister is, in many ways, the very girl that Vidyasagar wished every girl to become and thus the attack on his statue becomes an attack on his idea of the real-life character deified in Durga and Kali Pujas every year in Bengal. Chatterjee after a few years, the Election Commission stepped in and decided to play a role.The BJP, in contrast, has not done the hard work and failed to build a party grid of significance. It is no coincidence that the commission acted in West Bengal only after Amit Shah accused it of being blind to what was unfolding.The desecration of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar’s statue by the lumpen brigade after BJP president Amit Shah’s motorised cavalcade put them in the same club as adventurist Naxalites who almost half a century ago embarked on beheading statues of icons of the Bengal Renaissance and Bengali culture.

That the referee has played a partisan role across India has been widely commented on, but its decision to curtail the campaign by a day was blatant one-sidedness. Speeches by the top brass indicated a realisation that the sangathan deficit and the shakti that flows towards it after its full construction, could be countered only by staging “jhamela”, the word used in the self-video circulated by a low-level BJP functionary.It would be easy to dismiss the vandalism at Vidyasagar College as an act of political violence where the target was “any” statue.Into this macabre Hindutva plot, where Ram Bhakti was introduced as a political tool, as distinct from the cultural form of the public religious ceremonies of Bengal, and where Hindu anxiety has been pumped for political gains in a culture which had rejected the ideas of Hindu nationalistic stalwarts like Syama Prasad Mookerjee and N. For every snort, she had a grunt.. In the 2019 edition of the polls, the party dreamt that even if its strike rate did not match the phenomenal 91 per cent in UP, at least it would go beyond being an impressive also-ran, to a party that could harness anti-incumbent sentiment and also win a significant number of seats. However, one cannot but factor the enormous symbolism of Vidyasagar in the campaign directed against communalism, prejudice and discrimination, the three tenets which are integral to the Hindutva idea in some form or the other. It banks solely on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s image, with other national leaders bringing up the chorus. It cited the same points that its critics did while criticising the EC’s inaction on charges of violations of the Model Code of Conduct by Prime Miniser Narendra Modi and Mr Shah: “Democracy forms the basic structure of the Constitution”; and “Free and fair elections are the bedrock of all democratic institutions”.